Monday, January 31, 2011

Yemeni opposition plans for massive protests Thursday Feb3

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Yemeni opposition parties have called Yemeni people to massive anti-government protests across the country on Thursday, February 3.

The spokesperson of the Joint Meeting Parties Mohammad al-Qubati told the opposition al-Sahwa Net that massive protests will be organized on Thursday in all Yemeni provinces in protest to “unilateral elections, constitutional amendments and the extension of President Saleh's term.”

Al-Qubati said that demonstrations on Thursday represent the end of first stage of protests the Joint Meeting Parties launched on January 15. he said the JMP will then launch a new stage of protests until the regime meets people's requests.

Head of media section in the National Dialogue Committee Mohammad al-Sabri told News Yemen that the coming protests will be larger than previous demonstrations.

“Demonstrations are not in support of the Joint Meeting Parties' requests but in support of demands of the Yemeni people,” said al-Sabri.

In an attempt to defuse the angry unemployed graduates and poor families, President Saleh instructed the government to expand social security network and adopt additional 500,000 needy families as well as to establish a special fund for university graduates to create jobs for 25 percent of the graduates this year and remaining in the following years.


Presidential decree calling for Parliament-Shura meeting

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

SANA'A, Jan 31 (Saba) – President Ali Abdullah Saleh issued on Monday the presidential decree No 2 for 2011 calling for the House of Representatives and the Shura to hold a joint meeting on Wednesday.

According to the decree, the meeting should be held at 10:00 am to deliberate what the President plans to offer to the meeting regarding issues and developments concerned by the nation.


Southern Movement protests prevent the main way to Shikh Othman district

Reported by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Today Jan Jan 31, 2011 Protests belong to Southern Movement has been blocked the ways to Shikh Othman district in Aden city and demand for Saleh leave and disengagement for southern people.

more information and videos will be updated one i got them :)

Yalla, Youth let us Kick Saleh's Ass outta Yemen

Viva Aden

A time of challenge and trouble in Yemen

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

This year may turn out to be pivotal for Yemen in shaping its direction and outlook.

The challenge can be seen in the drive from Sana'a airport into the capital's main hub. Widespread poverty and lack of basic infrastructure is clearly visible against the backdrop of stunning historic architecture in the city of some 2 million.

Recently, apart from the more adventurous business type, visitor numbers have dwindled, although special service personnel and government officials remain conspicuous.

Challenges facing the government are significant and include rebel forces operating in the north and south of the country, and an increasingly active al Qa'eda wing. It is a fertile environment for dissent, with an estimated 46 per cent of the population surviving on less than US$2 (Dh7.34) a day against a 17 per cent average for the Mena region.

For Yemen, the numbers are significant, with a population of 23.5 million, just below that of Saudi Arabia's 25 million.

Political and economic issues are closely entwined, while the heat on Yemen's long-serving president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, is growing. Addressing a conference for army and security commanders in Sana'a this month, Mr Saleh said: "Yemen is a country of freedom and democracy, but we warn [against] chaos and demagogy. Yemen is not like Tunisia."

Mr Saleh also criticised those who say he wants to pass power to his son, saying he is against hereditary rule: "Talking about hereditary rule is an impudent symphony. We are a republican and democratic system and we are against the hereditary rule."

Yemen's security risks are a real issue. Gulf nations have been ready to provide financial and technical assistance to set up strategic projects in Yemen but reluctant to build infrastructure projects, according to Abdul Aziz al Owaishiq, the director of the GCC's Economic Integration Department.

And the government's finances are tight. Although the country has registered year-on-year growth throughout the global financial crisis, economic expansion has not been sufficient to raise employment or income to any meaningful level.

The fall in 2009 in the price of oil, on which Yemen depends significantly to underpin government finances, did not help. Lower oil production has also added to fiscal pressures. The increase in the price of oil last year boosted economic growth to about 5 per cent, and the sustained increase in prices this year will provide a much needed fillip to the economy.

The impact of the global crisis was also felt on the external balance of payments through lower export receipts and weaker inward investment and remittance flows. These developments made the fiscal and external positions more difficult.

The government hopes to address the economic imbalances by boosting non-oil revenues through improving its tax policy and administration to allow higher capital and social outlays over the medium term.

Recognising the need to control potential discontent, Mr Saleh has announced plans to increase the salaries of state employees and the military. Steps of this kind may be necessary to control the hostility to the phased reduction of fuel subsidies and the introduction of a goods and services tax.

Further safety nets may be needed to protect the vulnerable. However, such measures may not be enough to prevent gathering opposition.

The response by the Yemeni government and the security forces to the protests has so far been relatively low key. The authorities perhaps prefer to wait to see if protests escalate. A Yemeni government spokesman, Mohammed al Basha, said about the marches: "The government of the Republic of Yemen strongly respects the democratic right for a peaceful assembly."

But such a reserved and moderate response would be unlikely from the Yemeni government if protests grew or became violent. Over the past few days there have been only minor gatherings in Yemen. The Yemeni people may themselves be waiting to see how events in Egypt, which have grown dramatically, are concluded. If the Egyptian turmoil results in the resignation or departure of the president, Hosni Mubarak, this will probably spur on popular action for change in Yemen.

It is not only regional leaders and governments that will be concerned at the escalation of tension throughout the Mena region. The US and other western countries have long been supporters of current regimes in military states. The regimes in turn have provided a moderate political and religious position. But even the US is calling for an "orderly transition of power" in Egypt.

Governments and leaders may change but both short and long-term political and economic reforms are needed to increase standards of living and place countries on a more stable base.

Unless the problems are addressed in a real and meaningful way, protests may increase and the contagion could spread. The issue is, however, that a rapidly growing part of the population feels the time for change has come.

Parliamentary elections in Yemen are due in April and there is likely to be much volatility until then at least.

Darren Stubing is a senior adviser at Capital Intelligence in Cyprus


Despite Social Media Block, 'Egypt' Surges On Twitter

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Though Egypt blocked Twitter following the protests that erupted on January 25th, tweets about Egypt have surged in the days leading up to and after the start of the revolution that has rocked the capitol.

According to Sysomos, the number of tweets that contained the words "Egypt," "Yemen," or "Tunisia" increased more than tenfold after January 23rd: there were 122,319 tweets between January 16 and 23 containing these terms, and 1.3 million tweets between January 24 and January 30.

Sysomos also analyzed the location of those tweeting about Egypt and found that a minority were from Egypt, Yemen, or Tunisia. The company writes,

We analyzed 52 million Twitter users, and discovered that only 14,642, or 0.027%, identified themselves as being from Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia. Of these people, 88.1% were from Egypt, 9.5% from Tunisia and 2.13% from Yemen. It is important to note this number probably doesn’t reflect the number of Twitter users since many users in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen likely do not provide their location information to protect their identities.

"#Jan25," a Twitter hashtag that debuted when the protests began, remains the most common hashtag used to discuss the unrest in Egypt.

While Facebook and Twitter have been heavily relied upon to share information about the situation in Egypt, users have also turned to more unlikely social networks to express their support for the protesters. For example, on Polyvore, a fashion website, users from Tunisia, the U.S. and other nations posted images with captions such as "My Heart is with Egypt today," or "Egypt now cut off from Internet plz help spread their cause." Those with access to Twitter have used the social network to search for missing colleagues, like Google executive Wael Ghonim, who disappeared after arriving in Cairo.

Forced to do without Internet access, Egyptians are using low-tech technologies to communicate with each other and people abroad. Fax machines, ham radios, and dial-up Internet connectionshave all been used in place of high-speed networks.


Islamist Future Looms in the Mideast

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

The Mideast presents a chaotic quagmire of unforgiving choices for Obama. The turmoil in Egypt, Yemen, Lebanon, and Tunisia is piled atop wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the civil war with Islamists in Pakistan. Add to these woes the concerns over Islamist Iran’s emerging atomic threat, the re-emergent neo-Ottoman Turkey, the mischievous Syria, the ever-present Israeli-Palestinian standoff, and the global Islamic terror campaign.

This collection of Mideast challenges threatens our national security interests and totally befuddles President Obama. That shouldn’t surprise anyone after Obama began his administration by naively promising to talk Tehran out of its nukes and to resolve the age-old Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Now he must face reality and pragmatically protect our key security interests. These include minimizing the threat posed by Islamic terrorists, protecting Mideast oil, preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and protecting democratic ally Israel, which stands in the Islamic Arab world’s crosshairs.

Obama has already begun wrestling the latest batch of Mideast crises using a bait-and-switch approach. He praised “the courage and dignity” of Tunisians who toppled their repressive president, and last Friday he called on Egypt’s president to stand down from violence against protesters bent on toppling that government. Then Obama threatened to reconsider our $1.5 billion in annual aid to Egypt.

These new challenges may force Obama to make an ugly Hobson’s choice—endorse secular totalitarian-like regimes that support America’s security interests. The non-choice is the emergence of new Islamist regimes such as the one in Iran, a radical Islamic version of totalitarianism that opposes American security interests.

Obama has limited time to influence the latest crises before the affected countries fall into the clutches of radical Islamists.

Egypt is the latest country to fall into chaos and be threatened by an Islamist overtake. Since the republic’s founding in 1952, the country's army has been the guarantor of stability and will likely support President Hosni Mubarak, 82, and save the regime, especially now that Omar Suleiman, the country’s head of intelligence, is to become vice president and heir-apparent to the presidency. That appointment pleases the military, which strongly opposed Mubarak’s intent to make his son, a man without military experience, the next president.

But Egypt may still fall to Islamists. The man that wants to replace Mubarak is the former United Nations nuclear inspector Muhammad el-Baradei, who shielded the Iranian nuclear weapons programs for years and says as president he would recognize Hamas, the Palestinian terrorist group in Gaza, and end all sanctions.

Last week the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), Egypt’s only organized opposition to Mubarak, connected with Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabi, suppliers of the 9/11 terrorists, joined the street protests, and is now calling for elections that would politically enable the group. MB members in Egypt’s parliament favor an Islamist state, ruled by Sharia law and at war with Israel and the U.S.

It is important to note that Egypt already has a significant Islamist proclivity that suggests widespread receptiveness to a future fundamentalist regime that the MB could leverage. Also, an Islamist strand exists among the military’s ranks that could prove influential if the revolution gets the upper hand.

The latest Pew poll finds considerable favor for Islamists among Egyptians (30% Hezbollah, 49% Hamas, and 20% al Qaeda). Egyptians, according to Pew, overwhelmingly (95%) welcome Islamic influence over their country’s politics, including 82% support for severe laws such as stoning for those who commit adultery, while 77% support whippings and hands cut off for robbery and 84% favor the death penalty for any Muslim who changes his religion.

Tunisia could fall to Islamists if it delays forming a new government. On Jan. 14, Tunisians ousted president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali after 23 years as the region’s most repressive leader. The Jasmine Revolution, which led to Ben Ali’s ouster, began in December after a college-educated street vendor burned himself to death in protest over Tunisia’s repression and poverty—and massive demonstrations ensued.

The interim government purged almost all of Ben Ali’s cabinet ministers and eradicated his ruling party. But no coherent opposition force has emerged to drive events because outlawed parties such as the once powerful Islamist groups are still barred from participating.

But protests continue in the center of Tunis demanding the interim government be broken up. Meanwhile, there are reports that Rachid Ghannouchi, the founder of the Tunisian Islamist party, is returning to the country to reenter the fray.

The ongoing chaos has created a vacuum that will inevitably be filled either by the military, emerging leaders such as Ghannouchi, or a known figure via a hurried election. Tunisia’s constitution calls for elections by March 15, but the interim government wants a six-month delay for the parties to engage the electorate, which will play into the Islamists’ hands.

Yemen is a prime candidate for an Islamist takeover because it is the Arab world’s most impoverished nation, and it has become a haven for al Qaeda militants. It was the site of the Islamist attack on the USS Cole in October 2000 in which 17 sailors were killed.

Last week tens of thousands of Yemenis joined demonstrations calling for President Ali Abdullah Saleh, 64, in power for 23 years, to step down. Their complaints include lack of jobs, outrage over abusive security forces, corrupt leaders, and a repressive political system. Saleh’s government is corrupt and exercises little control, and its main source of income—oil—will run dry in a decade.

Yemen is already host to many conflicts and radicals. There is a rebellion in the north with Iran-sponsored Shia radicals, and a Marxist succession movement in the south. Part of the country is also controlled by an al Qaeda affiliate in the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula.

But Yemen is strategically important to the U.S. as an ally because al Qaeda has made it a base of operations. That organization and its leader, Anwar al-Awlaki, use the country to train, equip, and launch terrorists such as Umar Farouk Abdulmuttalab, who is accused of trying to detonate a bomb in his underwear during a Detroit-bound flight on Christmas Day 2009.

Lebanon’s new prime minister was installed by Hezbollah, Iran’s proxy terror group, which suggests that country is on the path to becoming an Islamist state. Najib Miqati, a billionaire and former prime minister, calls himself a consensus candidate in a badly divided country. His selection demonstrates a shift of power in the region away from the U.S. and its Arab allies and closer to Iran and Syria.

Antoine Zahra, a Lebanese lawmaker, said, “They [Hezbollah] will turn it into an isolated country, ostracized by the Arab world and the international community.”

Israeli Vice Prime Minister Silvan Shalom described the Hezbollah appointment as effectively “an Iranian government on Israel’s northern border.” Israel and Hezbollah fought a war in 2006.

Hezbollah, which the U.S. State Department identifies as a terrorist group, was forged with Iranian support in 1982 and is blamed for two attacks on the American embassy and the 1983 bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Beruit that killed 240.

Obama should do everything possible to help distressed Mideast countries avoid becoming radical Islamist states. That may require him to accept governments that are less than liberal democracies, which would earn him criticism, but such governments would more likely than not support our security interests.

Mr. Maginnis is a retired Army lieutenant colonel, and a national security and foreign affairs analyst for radio and television.


Yemeni Government not allowing Suhil TV in Aden ...

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

On Jan 30, 2011. an order from high security level been issued to banned broadcasting of Suhil TV by cables to citizens in Aden city .

The reason of this banned is that Suhil TV is offensive against Yemen regime as the security source added.

At the end, Suhil TV is a part (Muslims bortherhood) Islamic Islah Party. and the Channel owned by Sheikh Hamid bin Abdullah Al-Ahmar.

Arabic source:

Fire shooting on peaceful protestors in Aden

Feb. 3: Yemen’s ‘Day of Anger’

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

SANA’A, Jan. 30 – Yemen’s coalition of opposition parties, the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP), confirmed that this Thursday will be Yemen’s ‘Day of Anger’ after National Dialogue Committee talks failed to materialize.

Mohammed Saleh, spokesman for the JMP, told the Yemen Times that the opposition has planned for protests around the country.

“It will be huge, all over the country,” he said.

President Ali Abdullah Saleh, head of the ruling General People’s Congress (GPC) party, on Friday called on the JMP to hold talks about the proposed constitutional amendments and the country’s political situation with the ruling party. These talks would have been between the four members of the National Dialogue Committee consisting of: Yemen’s vice-president, the consultant of the president and the leaders of the two main opposition parties.

Yaseen Saeed No’man, general-secretary of the opposition Socialist Party and a member of the National Dialogue Committee, said that the ruling party called for talks but that was to “waste time”. He told the Yemen Times that the JMP did not receive any official invitation to resume talks.

“The dialogue has stopped. It was only media talk and GPC talk and nothing official,” No’man told The Yemen Times. “Everything is getting more complicated now since the GPC repelled the National Dialogue talks. They formed the electoral committee and made constitutional amendments on their own.”

Tariq Al-Shami, spokesman for the GPC, blamed the JMP for not coming forward to participate in National Dialogue talks.

“The GPC is still waiting for the JMP’s response to our invitation to resume talks. This was to reach reasonable agreements about the constitutional and electoral amendments,” said Al-Shami. “We in the GPC are careful. The dialogue table should be the place where we discuss the amendments and solve any issue so that everyone holds their responsibility toward the country.”

Al-Shami also told the Yemen Times that opposition parties in Yemen, especially the Conservative Party, tried to imitate the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Jordon, but that they would not succeed.

“Yemeni people and society are different from any other societies. It’s a tribal country and people own weapons in all of Yemen. So the people will defend themselves. We are sure that if the JMP, or anyone thought about it, they would realize that the people will revolt against them,” said Al-Shami.

He added that the GPC would go ahead with elections in April despite calls from the JMP to postpone the voting.

“We are optimistic that the JMP will be reasonable, otherwise the GPC will continue implementing its program regarding the constitutional amendments and holding the election,” he said.

No’man meanwhile denied that Yemen’s public demonstrations were held to imitate any other country’s protests; neither Tunisia nor Egypt.

“What the GPC says about the JMP betting on Tunisia and Egypt is not true at all. We know that the regime has produced necessary conditions for the public to demand change and the Yemeni people don’t need to import these conditions from any other country. This regime provides them with it by the daily crises it creates,” said No’man.

He stressed that the JMP remains dissatisfied with the proposed constitutional amendments from the ruling party, saying that they would not stand for an amendment that would allow President Saleh unlimited years of power.

“These amendments came to serve the authorities, not the country and the people. Therefore the people went out on these public demonstrations to express that they are fed up with the political situation,” said No’man. “The question now is: is this regime in a situation that allows it to make any social, economic or security improvements?”

No’man added that the JMP did not count only on its members for the public demonstrations. He said that all Yemenis, the youth in particular, were called to participate for change. He said that violence was also not an option during public demonstrations.

“We are against violence and it’s always been the dictator’s choice but not the opposition’s,” said No’man.

The JMP has already succeeded in holding four different protests last week attended by thousands of Yemenis. Last week also witnessed similar protests in Taiz, Shabwa, Al-Mahra, Haja, Al-Dhale’e and Hodeidah calling for regime change.


Sunday, January 30, 2011

Story of Flag - Yemeni Flag

After Countries Doing So, Yemen to Evacuate Nationals in Egypt

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Yemen decided to evacuate its nationals in Egypt, an African country being rocked by unprecedented protests against the ruling regime.

Yemen News Agency Saba reported on Sunday that President Saleh had ordered the authorities to transport Yemenis in Egypt to their country after many of them, especially those stranded at airports, appealed to the government to take action and help ease their travel.

Earlier today, Yemeni students in Egypt called on the president to intervene, telling him in an urgent message that they are experiencing difficult situation amidst the rioting hitting Egyptian cities.

In the last two days, Yemenia Airways suspended its flights from and to Cairo International Airport due to the rioting.

The students urged Yemen to do as other countries moved and send airplanes to carry them home.
“We don’t like to be forced out of our apartments here. You should help us,” they said in their appeal to Saleh.


In Yemen, calls for revolution but many hurdles

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

The pro-democracy protesters marched through the dusty streets of this Middle Eastern capital, voicing hope that the revolution unfolding in the Arab world would soon reach them.

"Yesterday, Tunisia. Today, Egypt. Tomorrow, Yemen," they shouted, trying to make their way to the Egyptian embassy.

But the small march on Saturday never reached its intended target. A line of police stopped the protesters; then a loud, unruly crowd of pro-government supporters emerged, and the two groups clashed. The protesters soon vanished, their voices muffled by pro-government chants.

President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who has ruled Yemen for 32 years, is clearly rattled by the anarchy unfolding in Egypt. But what has happened here also shows that Yemen's situation is distinct from its neighbors, even as many Yemenis share the same grievances and frustrations driving the upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia.

Many among the Arab world's dispossessed hope for a domino effect that could see more of the region's autocratic regimes fall, like the swift collapse of the Soviet Union. But in Yemen, activists are facing numerous obstacles, straddling political, social and economic fault lines, even as they gain courage and inspiration from the momentous events unfolding in the region.

"The situation in different Arab countries is similar, but there's a big difference in the enthusiasm of the people in the streets as well as the ability to go to the streets," said Aidroos Al Naqeeb, head of the socialist party bloc in Yemen's parliament.

"In Yemen, the living conditions are far worse than Egypt. The services are far worse than Egypt,'' Naqeeb said. The anger and resentment is also larger than Egypt. But civil society is weaker here and the culture of popular opposition is far lesser here."

Unlike Egypt and Tunisia, impoverished Yemen has a small middle class and a large uneducated and illiterate population. Social networking sites such as Facebook that helped mobilize the revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia are not widely used here.

Yemen's internal security apparatus is at least as sophisticated and deeply entrenched as in Egypt; the army is staunchly loyal to Saleh, as are powerful tribes in a country where tribal allegiance is more significant than national identity. The opposition, while strong in numbers, is divided in its goals.

"There is a popular movement and a political movement in Yemen," said Khaled al-Anesi, a lawyer and human rights activist who helped organized many of the recent protests. "But there is no support from the political parties for the popular movement, which is not organized. It is still weak and in the beginning stages."

Ever since the reunification of north and south Yemen in 1990, Saleh has marginalized political opposition groups and installed relatives and allies to key political, military and internal security posts.

Still, the popular uprisings that have ousted Tunisian President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali from power and propeled Egypt into chaos have shaken Saleh's weak regime, marking the latest threat to a nation grappling already with a rebellion in the north, a secessionist movement in the south and a resurgent Yemeni branch of Al Qaeda.

In a televised speech last week, the 64-year-old Saleh, a vital U.S. ally in the war on terror, denied that his son would succeed him. He also raised the salaries of soldiers, in an apparent effort to maintain their loyalty; slashed income taxes in half and ordered price controls.

Saleh was speaking in the aftermath of a rally earlier this month in which thousands of protesters took to the streets, with students and human rights activists calling for president to resign. But political opposition leaders have emphasized reform rather than regime change, alling on Saleh to honor a constitutionally mandated term limit that would end his presidency in 2013.

Many student activists and human rights activists disagree with the political opposition's tactics, arguing that attempts to share power with Saleh will never work and that they need to channel the momentum of the uprisings in the region.

"Their opinion is to take it step by step. In our opinion, there is no benefit," said Anesi. "This guy, Ali Abdullah Saleh, for him everything is a game. He tries to cheat political parties and international society. We are wasting time. We have to go to the streets. This is the best moment to demand change."

Other activists have alleged that many opposition leaders have lucrative investments and businesses that, in Yemen, are possible only through good relations with Saleh and his party.

Naqeeb conceded he and other oppositions leaders are trying to forge democratic reforms without resorting to violence. But he added that if Saleh continues to stonewall them, the situation in Yemen "will reach a point like Egypt," in a nation in which every household owns a Kalashnikov rifle.

In a meeting convened in advance of Saturday's rally, none of the organizers seemed to care that Yemeni plainclothes police had infiltrated the session and were aware of their plans. But by the time the protesters reached the police lines, their chants were being drowned out by those of pro-government supporters .

Some attacked the pro-democracy faction with knives and sticks. The policemen watched and did not stop the melee. Soon the activists fled, and the pro-government supporters then marched on through the traffic, chanting and singing.

"I like the president. We don't understand why he should leave," said Abdullah Al-Mujali, one of the supporters. "We don't want the same as what happened in Egypt and Tunisia. It is different here."

Activists including Anesi say they are determined to press forward with their calls to oust Saleh. "We have no choice," he said.


Al-Qaeda Announces Holy War against Houthis

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) announced on its website jihad (holy war) against the Houthi northern Shiites.

In an audio message posted on the Internet, Saeed Ali Al-Shihri, deputy leader of the Yemen-based (AQAP), said that Houthis in Sa'ada, Jawf, and Amran will face a strong war against them, calling on Sunni Muslims in northern Yemeni provinces to be with (AQAP). He accused Iran's regime of backing Shiite rebels.

"Jihad against northern Shiites has been declared since the implementation of the AQAP's twin martyred car bombing attacks against convoys of Shiite rebels' in the northern provinces of Jawf and Sa'ada on Nov. 24 and Nov. 26 of the last year," he said.

Last year two bombings occurred in northern Yemen with one targeting a procession on its way to celebrate a religious Zaidi ceremony, Eid Al-Ghadir, in Jawf killing almost 24 and wounded several others. The other targeted Houthi followers traveling in Sa'ada to participate in a funeral, killing two mourners and wounding eight.


The disappearance of a child of the Jewish community in Amran in mysterious circumstances

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

on Jan 29, 2011. a little kid has been kidnapped from Raydah district - Amran Province his name is Bin Yemeen Al-Nahari and his age is 8 years old.

Still his family looking for him and hoping to find him soon.

More information, Arabic source:

Saturday, January 29, 2011

For how long Aden will keep carry tragedy - poetry

Has been blocked for more than 8 hours

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

the Famous Yemeni news website has been blocked to visitors and readers in Yemen Jan 29, 2011 for more than 8 hours. the website said it opens back at 4:30 PM Jan, 29, 2011.

More info in Arabic:

Feb11, Southern Movement day - Join Now

More information about the event, Join here:

Revolution of the Arab peoples - comic

3 Feb, the Revolution day in Yemen

More info about the event, click here:

Junior Saleh gets military brigade to rival General Ali Mohsen al Ahma

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Junior gets an army! One division stationed outside Sana’a and another by Bani Hushaish (Houthi stronghold newar Sana’a.) Is Saleh getting worried about a popular uprising or a military coup?This kid is in his 20’s and his qualification is his bloodline not his experience or knowledge. A major part of Yemen’s military weakness is nepotism in the command structure.

al Masdar Media sources said that President Ali Abdullah Saleh recently introduced a new military forces under the name “mountain infantry division,” comparable to the First Armored Division, led by veteran military man, Major General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar.

The Quds Al-Arabi newspaper quoted sources as saying that the document see the leadership of these forces developed assigned to the younger son of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, Colonel Khaled Ali Abdullah Saleh, a man in his twenties and graduated last year from the middle of the Royal College Sandhurst.

Other sources have confirmed for the “online source” the health of the news and explained that the Infantry Division, mountain, comprising three brigades, stationed the First Brigade in the mountains of Bani Hashish east of the capital Sanaa, and stationed the Second Brigade in the mountains of the Asama adjacent to the capital of Sana’a in stationed third in the Mountain City Radaa province white.


Yemenis protest in support of Egypt, several injured

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

SANAA (BNO NEWS) — Tens of protesters marched in Yemen’s capital of Sanaa on Saturday in solidarity with the Egyptian people, demanding the ouster of Egyptian President Mubarak and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh, the Yemen Post reported.

Activists, journalists and MPs gathered at the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate and attempted to reach the Egyptian embassy on Jamal Street, but police prevented them from reaching the location. Dozens of riot police lined up and prevented people from passing through the street.

Protesters chanted slogans in support of the Egyptian people and against the Yemeni government. Some media outlets reported that other protesters chanting slogans in favor of the regime attacked the pro-Egyptians protestors.

Eyewitnesses told the Xinhua news agency that around ten demonstrators were seriously injured and rushed to hospitals.


A region in turmoil: How far will the unrest spread?

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam


Population: 23m

GDP: $30.02bn

President Ali Abdullah Saleh

Tens of thousands of people took to the streets of Yemen last week to demand an end to the three-decade rule of President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

The poorest country in the Middle East and a largely tribal society, Yemen has more problems than most. It has emerged as a new base for al-Qa’ida militants driven out of their traditional sanctuaries on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Yemen is also battling a secessionist movement in the south, an on-off rebellion in the north, and grinding poverty. Its oil reserves, which make up 70 percent of the government’s revenue, are dwindling and the nation relies on US aid. Nearly half of all Yemenis live below the poverty line and unemployment is at least 35 per cent.

Mr Saleh, whom many analysts accuse of overseeing a corrupt regime that has failed to tackle economic grievances, has reacted to the unrest by backtracking on his plans to seek another term in 2013 and denying accusations that he will try to hand over power to his son.

He has also promised to slash taxes and cap food prices and raise the salaries of civil servants and the military.

Mr Saleh won a seven-year term in Yemen’s first open presidential election, in 2006. Observers said the poll was fair but opposition parties complained of vote rigging. The main challenge to Mr Saleh, analysts say, would likely come if the various opposition groups, particularly the rebels in the south and the north, were to look beyond their own particular grievances to mount a broader political challenge.


How should the U.S. respond to the protests in the Middle East?

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

The Post asked experts what America should do about unrest in the Middle East. Below are responses from Steven Heydemann, Stephen J. Hadley, Aaron David Miller, Danielle Pletka, Hussein Agha, Robert Malley, Marina Ottaway, Andrew Albertson and Ed Husain.


Vice president at the U.S. Institute of Peace and special adviser to the Muslim World Initiative

Arab regimes are reeling from the aftershocks of events in Tunisia. Governments in Egypt and Yemen are the focus of mass protests expressing the anger that many Arab citizens feel toward their leaders. Surprises are possible, but it is most likely that the Egyptian and Yemeni regimes will survive these "days of rage."

After the truncheons have done their work, what are U.S. options? The administration has an extraordinary opportunity to reinvigorate support for democratic reform in the Arab world. For decades, supporters of reform have struggled to make a convincing case that Arab democracy is in America's interest. Fear of Islam and a strong preference for stability have long trumped arguments about the damage to U.S. interests of supporting authoritarian regimes. The recent uprisings demonstrate just how misguided these calculations have been. U.S. interests are poorly served by regimes that have lost the confidence of their people. Illegitimacy and instability are now linked; the connection provides compelling justification for a more assertive U.S. approach to political reform in the Arab world.

The United States can help the region's transition to democracy by acknowledging the depth of anger among Arab publics, making explicit the link between U.S. interests and the legitimacy of regimes, and communicating forcefully to our Arab allies that current governments will not overcome the crisis of legitimacy that is driving their citizens into the streets without fundamental political transformation - through processes that are themselves democratic, peaceful and inclusive. Such an approach does not require the isolation or abandonment of current regimes, but it would signal clearly that American interests and Arab democracy are now, finally, aligned.


National security adviser in the George W. Bush administration

Once the situation in Egypt got to a crisis point, America's options were limited. It did not have to be this way. Our government - and particularly then-President George W. Bush - urged the Egyptian government to encourage the growth of civil society and of non-Islamist political parties. Sadly, instead of fostering them, it oppressed them. The underground Islamist Muslim Brotherhood thus became the only alternative to the government party.

If Egypt descends into chaos, either a takeover by the army or a putsch by the Muslim Brotherhood is the most likely option. Neither will be a triumph of democracy nor give the Egyptian people the freedom they seek and deserve.

If the Egyptian government survives the current violence, even Mubarak may conclude that neither he nor his son can win the presidential elections scheduled to be held later this year. He will face a choice. Will he seek to transfer power to another authoritarian strongman or midwife a transition to democracy? Will he encourage the civil society and non-Islamist political parties that could give the Egyptian people real choices for a democratic future? Let us hope and urge President Mubarak to make this latter choice.


Public policy fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars; former Arab-Israeli peace negotiator for the State Department

Mr. President,

You smartly steered clear of the ideological freedom agenda of your predecessor. And now, in one of history's crueler ironies, you're confronted with a home-grown freedom agenda in Tunisia and Egypt and maybe elsewhere, with impact over time that may be far greater than the politics of Iraq and Afghanistan.

If you're smart and lucky, you won't make an already complicated situation worse, and you might even do some good. Remember:

You can't control history. The Middle East is littered with the remains of great powers that thought they could impose their will on small tribes. The changes loosed in the Arab world are primarily driven by local factors, and they'll have to play themselves out.

Don't abandon your friends. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak may be an authoritarian, but since 1981 your predecessors and you have deemed him vital to American interests. Be careful what kind of signals you send until you have a much better sense of who or what will come after him. The worst outcome of Egyptian unrest would be a Mubarak who crushes the opposition and resents the United States because he believes that you wanted him on the next flight to Paris.

This will be a long movie. It's driven by deep-seated divisions in the Arab and Muslim world, first between the haves and have-nots over economic resources and second between those who can participate in governing their societies and those who cannot. You will need a strategy, but don't rush to come up with one; it will probably be wrong. For now, loudly proclaim the importance of American values such as respect for human rights, peaceful demonstrations, rule of law, good governance. But keep your distance until you have a much greater sense of where these changes are headed.


Vice president for foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute

There are three choices on foreign policy at any given time: to lead, to react or to be indifferent. When it comes to the question of human freedom, the Obama administration (and, before it, the Bush administration in its latter years) chose indifference. That is how we now find ourselves on the wrong side of history, watching the people of the Middle East as they stand against American-financed and -supported dictators. We have always had the chance to right our ways and to use our great moral, diplomatic and economic suasion to push for increased openness in the region, but other priorities - and the establishment's love affair with "stability" - have taken precedence.

Proponents of indifference (the proto-statesmen of the Foreign Service and their allies) like to posit a binary sort of choice between armed intervention in favor of democracy and the status quo, but that has never been the choice. Rather, we should be educating people about their rights, teaching consistently about the creation of political parties, working to free political prisoners and building the foundations of freedom. That, and not budgetary support and cash-transfer programs, is the proper role for American aid.

Some say that a freedom agenda only opens the door to Islamists; the truth is that our support for secular dictators does more for Islamists than democracy promotion ever did. We have an opportunity to right our ways and stand with the people of the Middle East - not forgetting Iran - in their quest for basic freedom. But it's going to take more than bland statements and White House hand-wringing. The president himself needs to stand up and unequivocally make clear America's position: in favor of the people over their oppressors. Suspend aid to the Egyptian government. Initiate an immediate review of all programs in the Middle East. Get the word out to our diplomats. Now.


Agha is senior associate member of St. Antony's College, Oxford University; Malley is Middle East program director at the International Crisis Group and was special assistant to the president for Arab-Israeli affairs from 1998 to 2001

Decades of U.S. policy in the Middle East are coming back to haunt Washington. The United States backed Arab regimes that supported U.S. objectives irrespective of whether they legitimately represented popular aspirations. It propped up "moderate" rulers whose moderation consisted almost exclusively of cooperating with American policies. The more they aligned themselves with Washington, the more generous America's support and the greater the erosion of their domestic credibility. As a result, the United States now faces a battle it cannot win.

To continue supporting unpopular rulers would further alienate those who are most likely to assume power in the future. Openly siding with the street would strain ties with regimes that might survive the unrest and whose help the United States still needs; signal to America's remaining friends that its support is fickle; precipitate the rise of forces hostile to U.S. interests; and do little to persuade demonstrators who will see in America's midnight conversion hypocrisy and opportunism.

Washington can cut its losses and begin turning the page in its relations with the Arab world. That will have to wait. For now, it means assuming a low profile and resisting the temptation to become part of the story. That hardly is an exciting agenda, but the United States could do far worse than do very little.


Director of the Middle East program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Washington's reaction to the growing unrest will have almost no impact on what actually happens in the Arab world, which will be determined by domestic factors - the protesters' determination, the governments' response, the willingness of police and army units to use force against demonstrators. Protesters, who view the United States as the historical prop for Arab authoritarian regimes, will not heed Washington's calls to avoid violence. And regimes that have been authoritarian for decades will not suddenly see the wisdom of liberalization because of statements from Washington.

But what the United States says affects its standing in the region. The Obama administration's attempt to strike a balance between not offending incumbent regimes and refurbishing its image by sending a message that Washington wants reforms is failing - messages are circulating on the Internet to the effect that the United States is once again supporting authoritarianism. Washington must get off the fence and choose whether it wants to support democracy, and thus be on the side of Arab publics enraged by decades of repression, or whether it wants to continue supporting regimes that have been repressive for decades in the name of ill-defined strategic interests. It cannot do both. The United States' long-term interests would be best served by supporting unequivocally the messy process of democratic change.


Executive director of the Project on Middle East Democracy from 2007 to 2010

The Obama administration has begun taking many of the right steps already. Aware of the dangers for U.S. interests posed by governments that resist democratic participation even as their people become more educated, affluent and connected to the outside world, they have repeatedly raised with Arab leaders the need for comprehensive reforms. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton presciently warned regional foreign ministers two weeks ago, "Those who cling to the status quo may be able to hold back the full impact of their countries' problems for a little while, but not forever."

For far too long, the United States has relied on leaders in the Middle East who maintain their rule through coercion. Against the backdrop of appalling violence in Tunisia and Egypt, and the stark moral legitimacy of protests sweeping the region, the bankruptcy of that approach has never been clearer.

In the wake of Friday's events in Egypt, the administration needs to double down on its call for political reforms across the region. In Tunisia and Egypt, the administration should seize the opportunity to support full-scale transitions to democracy. New subsidies or cabinet shuffles aren't enough. What happened on the streets of Cairo was not a bread riot but a legitimacy riot. And forceful crackdowns represent a big roll of the dice - for regimes and for Washington, to the extent that the United States is perceived to be complicit in such violence.

People in the region want to be citizens - protagonists in their national political life, rather than subjects who passively take what the government gives. They want an end to ministries, parties and police forces that operate above the law and foster endemic corruption. The United States should quickly press allies such as Yemen, Jordan and Morocco to drop constraints on political participation, convene broad political dialogues, and place the highest premium on transparent and effective governance. The best guarantee of stability is participation, pluralism and progress.


Senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations

Arabs regularly accuse America of flagrant hypocrisy: The United States claims that it stands up for freedom and democracy and yet supports the world's most tyrannical governments in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. The current popular uprising is a chance to set the record straight. Former secretary of state Condoleeza Rice once quipped that America had traded freedom for stability in the region and got neither.

I've lived and traveled across the Arab world and witnessed the vast popularity of American clothes, Hollywood, McDonald's, baseball caps, cars and books. Visa applications overload U.S. embassies. Yet double standards in U.S. foreign policy anger young Arabs and fuel radicalization and terrorism. By proudly supporting the freedom chanters today, America has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to help undermine terrorists and tyrants and support the people. So far, Vice President Biden has blundered by supporting Egypt's dictator. This needs to change.

The Arab world is no longer across the oceans. It is also on our streets here. Millions of American citizens are of Arab descent. Millions more are here as workers and students. What happens over there matters here. Can America make these people proud and empower them against Muslim extremists by changing the American story and making us all safer? Yes, it can. It must.


Protestors and government supporters clash in Yemen

Observed by: Mr. Alaa Isam

Dozens of activists calling for the ouster of Yemen's President Ali Abdullah Saleh clashed on Saturday with the regime's supporters in Sanaa, an AFP journalist reported.

Plainclothes police also attacked the demonstrators who marched to the Egyptian embassy in Sanaa chanting "Ali, leave leave" and "Tunisia left, Egypt after it and Yemen in the coming future."

The chants were referring to the ouster of veteran Tunisian strongman Zine El Abidine Ben Ali early this month and to continuing demonstrations against President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, the biggest the country has seen in the three decades of his rule.

No casualties have been reported in the Yemen clashes.

A female activist, Tawakel Karman, who has led several protests in Sanaa during the past week, said that a member of the security forces in civilian clothes tried to attack her with a dagger and a shoe but was held by other protestors.

"We will continue until the fall of Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime," said Karman, who was granted parole on Monday after being held over her role in earlier protests calling for political change in Yemen.

"We have the Southern Movement in the south, the (Shiite) Huthi rebels in the north, and parliamentary opposition," all of which are calling for political change, said Karman.

Yemen, one of the poorest countries in the Arab world, faces a growing Al-Qaeda threat, a separatist movement in the south and a sporadic rebellion by Zaidi Shiite rebels in the north.

"But what's most important now is The Jasmine Revolution," said Karman, a journalist who is also a senior member of the opposition Islamist Al-Islah (Reform) party and heads a rights group, Women Journalists Without Chains.

Karman also called for Thursday, February 3 to be a "Day of Rage" throughout Yemen.

Protests have been taking place on a nearly daily basis in Sanaa since mid-January calling for an end to Saleh's rule which began in 1978.

Saleh was re-elected in September 2006 for a seven-year mandate.

A draft amendment of the constitution, under discussion in parliament despite opposition protests, could allow him -- if passed -- to remain in office for life.

Saleh had urged the opposition which rejected the amendment, to take part in April 27 parliamentary elections to avoid "political suicide."

The mandate of the current parliament was extended by two years to April under a February 2009 agreement between the ruling General People's Congress and opposition parties to allow dialogue on political reform.

The reforms on the table included a shift from a presidential regime to a proportional representation parliamentary system and further decentralisation of government -- measures that have not been implemented.

The dialogue has stalled, and a special committee set up to oversee reform has met only once.

Saleh is also accused of wanting to pass the reins of power in the impoverished Arabian Peninsula state to his eldest son Ahmed, who heads the elite Presidential Guard, an accusation he denies.